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Preventing Relapse Among Inner-City Recovering Addicts

 

 

Addiction Treatment Research Reports - Preventing Relapse Among Inner-City Recovering Addicts
PREVENTING RELAPSE AMONG INNER-CITY RECOVERING ADDICTS
Donna Boundy, M.S.W.
Tom Colello, M.A.

Reelizations
P.O.Box 555
Woodstock, NY 12498

A Research Report from Phase I, SBIR Grant # 1 R43 DA08140-01
Funded by National Institute on Drug Abuse
We gratefully acknowledge Drs. Arthur Horton and Arturo Cazares of the National Institute on Drug Abuse, Project Officers for Phase I and Phase II respectively, who contributed substantially to the success of this project.
 

In recent years, as the crack epidemic profoundly affected our nation's inner-cities, numerous clinicians have stated the need for more treatment tools with which to help inner-city addicts who will be returning to extremely challenging environments upon discharge. These clients are often homeless, unemployed, have a spotty work history or even criminal record--circumstances which do not automatically change upon becoming abstinent. Treatment personnel themselves say they have lacked concrete examples of how inner-city addicts can successfully cope with the many stresses and high-risk situations they encounter on a daily basis.
In response to this need, Reelizations began conducting research in November 1992 to determine the most pertinent high-risk situations that precipitated relapse in inner-city addicts, and what relapse prevention techniques successfully-recovering inner-city addicts, defined as maintaining on-going abstinence for over one year. [Research results begin on page 13 of this report] We then began developing a series of videotapes--due for release in early 1995--which can be used by drug/alcohol treatment and correctional facilities to teach relapse pretention techniques (RPT) to inner-city recovering addicts.
The fact is, many inner-city chronic relapsers do recover. And by interviewing everyday "success stories" on camera, we aim to convey that it is altogether possible to recover--even while living in a challenging environment, and that there are specific skills and strategies that can help.
It is also our hope that addiction counselors who treat large inner-city populations may themselves be inspired by the many examples of successfully-recovering inner-city dwellers presented in the tapes and, in turn, teach RPT to this population with renewed vigor.

 
A REVIEW OF PERTINENT LITERATURE
 
The Importance of Relapse Prevention Training

Recovery is not an "event" that occurs in a treatment program, no longer an issue once the client becomes abstinent. Indeed, recent research suggests that lasting recovery--the ability to remain abstinent over time--is a process, requiring certain skills that can be taught like any other skills.

According to Marlatt (1985), the most important stage of the change process is the maintenance stage, which begins the moment after the initiation of abstinence. It is during this stage that the recovering person is faced with a plethora of temptations, stressors, and the pull of powerful old habit patterns.

As noted by Marlatt, many alcoholics in inpatient treatment report few, if any, cravings to drink while in the hospital. This may lead, he suggests, to the illusory impression that treatment has been "successful" and that the craving to drink [or drug] has been permanently quelled. But return to the pretreatment environment often shakes this illusory confidence, as the person is exposed to old stressors and cues, and the urge to use returns. Failure to anticipate and cope with these stressors and cues is the major set-up for relapse.

Recovering people with few effective ways to deal with high-risk situations are reported to be at the highest risk for relapse (Donovan & Chaney, 1985). Hunt, Barnett & Branch (1971) found that between 65% and 80% of people treated for heroin, smoking, and alcohol addictions relapsed within the first year of recovery--and most of those within the first three months.

Relapse Prevention Training (RPT) is a treatment approach which teaches clients to recognize, anticipate, and cope successfully with high risk situations--without using drugs or alcohol. Substantial evidence has emerged which demonstrates that teaching addicts relapse prevention techniques prior to their return to the community substantially improves their chances of prolonged abstinence. For example, RPT for alcoholics decreased the length and severity of drinking episodes, compared to standard treatment alone. (Chaney et al 1978; Oei and Jackson, 1982.) Other studies have had similar results with polysubstance abusers (Hawkins, et al., 1986), and cigarette smokers (Davis et al, 1986; Hall et al, 1984).

Carroll et al (1991) evaluated Relapse Prevention Training (RPT) as treatment for ambulatory cocaine abusers, and compared it to interpersonal psychotherapy (IPT). Subjects assigned to RPT were more likely than those assigned to IPT to complete treatment (67% versus 38%), to attain abstinence (57% versus 33%), and to maintain abstinence for three consecutive weeks (43% versus 19%).

In the Carroll study, there were even more substantial differences when the severity of addiction was considered. For those judged to have severe addictions, subjects given RPT were significantly more likely to achieve abstinence (54% versus 9%) and to remain abstinent for three consecutive weeks (54% versus 0%) than high severity subjects who received IPT. It is generally believed that many chronic inner-city addicts are similarly "hard-core" (high-severity) addicts. This finding, then, underscores the appropriateness of creating and using RPT audiovisual and other aids for this population.
 
Relapse Prevention Training Fosters Confidence

According to George & Marlatt (1986), the likelihood of relapse depends almost entirely on one's ability to cope with high-risk situations. A high-risk situation is any situation that poses a threat to the individual's sense of control and increases the risk of potential relapse (Marlatt 1985). People in early recovery often experience themselves as "in control" until a high risk situation is encountered.

In an analysis of 311 relapse episodes by Cummings et al (1980), three broad categories of high-risk situations were identified: 1) negative emotional states (which preceded 35% of relapses studied; 2) social pressure (20%) and 3) interpersonal conflict (16%). Marlatt cites interpersonal anger, frustration, and stimulus-elicited cravings (i.e. walking by a bar) as additional high-risk situations.

Relapse is most likely to occur when one's confidence in his ability to cope is weak. A recovering person who is inadequately prepared to cope can easily perceive a high-risk situation as beyond his capacity to deal with, and become overwhelmed with feelings of helplessness and anxiety. As his expectation of coping successfully declines, he then becomes more likely to give in passively to the urge to get high--especially if drugs are readily available in the environment (George, 1986).

Conversely, the more prepared one is with coping responses for high-risk situations, the better his chances of remaining abstinent. That's because as high-risk situations are successfully met, the recovering person's perceived sense of control strengthens, making him in fact less likely to relapse. (Annis & Davis, 1987) In other words, an expectation of successful coping in future high-risk situations (based on prior successful coping) contributes to the likelihood of successful coping. Success begets success. This is all the more reason to give recovering addicts the skills they need to insure early successful experiences in high-risk situations.
 
The Drug Treatment Field Has Been Slow to Embrace Relapse Prevention Training

Despite the fact that relapse is the norm among recovering addicts, despite the highly negative consequences of relapse, and despite the fact that RPT has been proven effective, many drug treatment programs have been amazingly slow to incorporate relapse prevention training into their treatment. (Annis, 87)

Even the discussion of relapse has been something of a taboo in some drug treatment programs. There may be a couple reasons for this: 1) Some counselors may fear that by talking about the possibility of relapse with a client, they convey an expectation of relapse, or imply permission (Washton and Boundy, 1989). 2) If a program's treatment philosophy calls for the attainment of abstinence, even a single incident of relapse may be considered failure on the part of the treatment program or clinician, and elicit feelings of frustration and incompetence.

Ironically, it is this mistaken notion--that relapse is synonymous with failure--that contributes more than any other factor to high relapse rates (Washton & Boundy, 1989). Because relapse is viewed as something to be ashamed of and treated as a taboo, many clients don't learn how to recognize and avoid high-risk situations, notice the warning signs of a relapse, and cut one short if it occurs. Yet these skills are the essence of relapse prevention.

Lastly, researchers have found that a clinician's own knowledge of relapse is a variable affecting his patients' relapse rates (Daley, 1988; Gorski & Miller, 1982). If a counselor lacks knowledge himself of relapse traps and countering prevention strategies, he cannot teach these skills to his clients.
 

The Need for Relapse Prevention Specifically Geared for Inner-City Clients

There are many reasons why most existing audio-visual recovery materials are not especially useful for programs treating predominantly inner-city clients. These include:

1. Inner-city residents who watch recovery tapes that were produced with largely white, suburban middle-class recovering audiences in mind (the majority of materials), are likely to come away with even less confidence in their own ability to successfully cope. ("They don't show people living in tenement buildings next door to crack houses in recovery, so maybe it's impossible for me to recover. Maybe only white people who go home to jobs and intact families can recover.")

2. Inner-city neighborhoods constitute high stress environments. Crack use is associated with increased rates of homicide and family disruption (Wachtler 1990). Violent crime is skyrocketing, with shootings "epidemic." (Ropp 1992). Harlem and other inner-city areas have been compared to "natural disaster areas" without the designation (McCord, 1990). Clearly, living in such an area can be stressful. Since unmitigated stress is a risk factor which can precipitate relapse, one can assume that inner-city addicts are at greater risk for relapse on this basis alone.

3. For many of the reasons just stated, inner-city addicts are at high risk for having experienced trauma, and for having Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) (Kulka e al, 1990). Other risk factors for PTSD include low education, family substance abuse, and early drug use. (Breslau, 1991). Anecdotally, nearly 90 percent of those we interviewed in Phase I were children of alcoholics or addicts, and many were high school drop-outs who began using drugs as pre-teens. Women crack-users are especially vulnerable to trauma (Fullilove et al., 1992), as many experience domestic violence (Wallace, 1991) and/or are victimized in sex-for-drug exchanges (Fullilove et al, 1990).

4. PTSD is associated with substance abuse (Brown & Anderson, 1991). Therefore, effective RPT for inner-city addicts must address the symptoms of PTSD, including sleep disorders, recurring thoughts and nightmares and emotional numbing.

5. H.I.V. virus and A.I.D.S. is more prevalent among minority, inner-city addicts than among white middle-class alcoholics, the population for whom many of the existing audiovisual aids were produced. Some inner-city drug treatment programs report a full third of their population is H.I.V. positive. Cummings et al (1982) noted that chronic illness can directly or indirectly trigger relapse. Therefore, it is important to address HIV in any relapse prevention effort for inner-city addicts.

6. Among addicts in the inner city, drug sales are a common source of employment. (Wallace, 1991) Many of the men and some of the women we interviewed spoke of relapsing when they were broke, since the only way they felt they had access to money in the past was through dealing drugs. So when broke in recovery, they would start to think that they could "deal a little" and not use. Inevitably, relapse occurred. Therefore, any attempt to reduce relapse among inner-city recovering addicts must address the issue of finances, and making a living.
A high proportion (53%) of female crack addicts have had children placed in foster care by state agencies. (Fullilove, et al., 1992) This often results in profound feelings of shame, a sense of failure in maternal roles, and grief--which, if not addressed, contributes to relapse. Therefore, these child-loss experiences must be addressed, and female role models presented who are successfully coping with this trauma.

7. The old adage "deal with the drinking and things will work out" does not fit poor families (Diaz, 1992). Among inner-city addicts, when the drugging stops, the person's circumstances are often not much better than when he was using. He may still be homeless, unemployed, uneducated, and poor. In one recent study of female crack addicts, fully half were homeless (Chavkin 1991). Among addicts admitted to one therapeutic community, 93% were unemployed upon admission (Baker, et al., 1989). Therefore, again, the necessity of addressing the very real issues of housing, income, money, and jobs.

8. Social pressure has long been recognized as a relapse trap. 20% of relapses in Marlatt's sample (Cummings et al 1980) occurred in situations in which the individual was responding to the influence of others to engage in the behavior. Anecdotally, among the 31 inner-city recovering addicts we interviewed, most describe being literally surrounded by social pressure. One woman described having to walk through a crowd of people smoking crack in the stairwell in order to get to her apartment; others describe having people knock on their doors and windows with offers of drugs, relatives leaving crack in their apartments, etc. Therefore, relapse prevention efforts must address ways to successfully cope with such extreme social pressure.

9. It has long been noted that chemically-dependent people who lack social or family stability or who are part of social networks in which others abuse substances are at higher risk for relapse (Baekeland, 1977; Saxe et al., 1983; Cusack, 1984; Zackon, et al 1985; Daley, 1987; and Hawkins and Fraser, 1987). Among those we interviewed, there was a pronounced lack of positive support systems readily available. Therefore, it is important to emphasize ways in which recovering inner-city addicts have successfully created and used positive support networks through such resources as 12-Step meetings, counseling programs, church groups, etc.
In both African-American and Hispanic inner-city households, religion is often reported to have a strong influence. And while involvement in organized religion didn't turn out to be a major relapse prevention strategy employed by our particular subjects, relapse prevention efforts directed to this population may want to include examples of recovering African-Americans and Hispanics who have successfully used the church as part of their support system.

In both African-American and Hispanic inner-city households there are often strong family ties and extended family involvement. Physically or emotionally separating from family members who are addicted or otherwise dysfunctional may not be seen as an option. Therefore, relapse prevention efforts should include examples of recovering people who have utilized strong family ties as part of their support system, as well as others who have successfully created some emotional distance from dysfunctional, or even destructive, family members.
 


Special Needs of Hispanic Inner-City Recovering Addicts

Hispanics make up a growing portion of inner-city residents. And the special needs of urban Hispanic recovering people extend even beyond those just cited, including:

1. Sex roles in traditional Hispanic families are often highly delineated, with the female role that of "mother" and the male role involving considerable "machismo." (Diaz, 1992) Therefore, the stigma on a Hispanic female who has been deemed an unfit mother due to drug use may be felt even more acutely. And the social pressure on the Hispanic male to act in ways that have the effect of rendering his relationships dysfunctional (i.e. battering), may complicate recovery. It is important, then, to present realistic ways in which Hispanic men and women can deal constructively with these sex role challenges.

2. Immigration status and language problems can be additional stresses on the recovering Hispanic person (Diaz 1992). This too must be taken into consideration in relapse prevention efforts aimed at this population.

3. Fewer than half of inner-city Hispanics ever complete high school (Diaz 1992) Relapse prevention materials must be geared to early reading levels and arrangements made for illiterate clients.

4. The drinking of alcohol is often considered another demonstration of the Hispanic male's machismo (Diaz 1992). He often experiences additional social pressure to participate in family and neighborhood social rituals that involve drinking. Relapse prevention for Hispanic clients, then, must illustrate ways to successfully copes with this pressure without using.

 
RESEARCH FINDINGS
 

Reelizations' Methodology in Phase I Research

In Phase I we surveyed inner-city recovering addicts and professionals with expertise in the treatment of inner-city addicts. As a result, we identified a broad array of relapse traps and relapse prevention strategies of particular relevance to this population.

From interviews with both our panel and other professionals in the field [see Appendix I on pages 36-37], we drew up a questionnaire to guide us in our interviews with recovering inner-city addicts, and generated a list of 44 relapse traps and 47 relapse prevention strategies which appeared to be relevant to inner-city relapse prevention.

We then asked 31 recovering addicts and our panel of experts to rate each relapse trap and prevention strategy on our survey according to the relevance they felt it had to recovery (their own, in the case of addicts; their clients' in the case of professionals). We used a Likert-type rating of 1 to 3 with "1" being "not important at all," "2" being "somewhat important" and 3 being "very important."

Almost all the surveyed addicts had relapsed many times in the past. Therefore they brought to bear more experiences than just their current success.

The demographic breakdown of our recovering addict sample was, we believe, roughly reflective of the target audience for our series:

Race: 65% African-American, 23% Hispanic, 12% white (non-Hispanic);
Gender: 61% male, 39% female;
Age: 23% age 20-29, 42% age 30-39, 29% age 40-49, and 6% age 50-55.
The interviews, lasting from one to three hours, were conducted personally by Donna Boundy or Tom Colello. All but three were in person, meeting with the recovering person in his home city of Bronx, NY; Bridgeport, CT; New Haven, CT; Washington DC or Miami, FL. All interviewees had been abstinent a minimum of one year. They had come into recovery variously through in-patient treatment, hospitals, out-patient programs, jails, and a surprising number through drug programs in homeless shelters. The majority listed crack cocaine among their drugs-of-choice, with other favored drugs including cocaine powder, alcohol, and heroin. Almost all had problems with more than one substance.

Following our interviews with recovering addicts, we sent a revised version of the survey to our experts and asked them to rate each relapse trap and prevention strategy as to the importance they gave it.

Drawing from the survey results, we developed an extended outline for the proposed video series.

 
Recruitment of Subjects.

Subjects for Phase I were recruited by contacting various drug and alcohol treatment facilities in the cities mentioned. We asked treatment staff to refer individuals they knew to be recovering from drug or alcohol addiction, with at least one year of abstinence while living in the community, who come from an inner-city environment, and have a good ability to articulate their experiences in recovery. We monitored the referrals we were receiving to maintain the demographic breakdown we felt would best reflect our target audience.
 
Overview of Results
With a few notable exceptions, both the recovering people and our expert consultants agreed on the most important relapse traps and strategies. More than half of the relapse traps that we tested (26 of 44) and more than half the prevention strategies (29 of 43) were ranked "very important" by half or more of both addict and expert respondents.

We found that some factors that addicts considered important to their recovery were not considered so important by our expert panel. These included the relapse trap of "having unrealistic expectations" regarding how quickly and easily things will come together in recovery. Also, several relapse traps concerning money and finances were collectively rated as "very important" by addicts surveyed, and "not important at all" by the experts. These differences suggest that there may be relapse traps that are especially relevant to inner-city addicts which are not being adequately addressed in the field.

The weight given some relapse traps, of course, varied greatly according to the specific circumstances of that person's life. For example, if a person came from a highly dysfunctional family, then "having a family member who sabotages your recovery" was regarded as a serious relapse trap, while a person from a supportive family would rate such a trap "not important at all."
 
Findings Regarding Relapse Traps
The relapse traps with the highest rating for both groups, followed by the mean of all addict responses, and the rank position that puts it in out of 44 relapse traps, were:
- Hanging out with friends who still use. 3. (1)
- Living with someone who is an active user. 2.77 (2)
- Still using some drugs (e.g. pot or alcohol) while remaining abstinent from your drug-of-choice. 2.77 (3)
- Offers of drugs. 2.74 (4)
Note that 3 of these 4 have to do with "social pressure." While Cummings et al (1980) found that 20% of relapses come on the heels of social pressure, it appears that, among our sample at least, an even greater portion of relapses may be associated with such pressure. This could reflect the high rates of addiction presently found in inner-cities, especially since crack's arrival, making it all the more likely that someone in early recovery will be placed in high-risk situations containing social pressure.

The following relapse traps were also rated "Very Important" by more than half the addicts in our survey, and at least "Somewhat Important" by all of the experts:
- Low self-esteem 2.67 (5)
- Anger 2.64 (6)
- Abstinence Violation Effect (a single lapse leading to full-blown relapse) 2.62 (7)
- Feelings of failure. 2.56 (9)
- Not having a sense of purpose in life. 2.5 (10)
- Isolation 2.5 (11)
- Testing control 2.48 (12)
- Lying/cheating in intimate relationship. 2.45 (14)
- Feelings of boredom. 2.44 (15)
- Living in the old neighborhood where he or she used to get high. 2.42 (16)
- Intense relationship issues. 2.39 (20)
- No spiritual foundation or beliefs. 2.38 (21)
- Associating sex and drugs together. 2.34 (24)
Note that 6 of the first 9 relapse traps just listed have to do with negative emotional states (low self-esteem, anger, failure, lack of purpose, isolation and boredom). Cummings et al (1980) found that 35% of all relapses came on the heels of such unmanageable feelings.
Several other relapse traps that were originally mentioned by our expert advisors proved "not important at all" to the addict sample. These were:
- Physical illness. 1.77 (41)
- Poor nutrition. 1.54 (43)
- A belief that being straight means "getting white."1.5 (44)
While "negative physical states" is listed by Marlatt as a significant relapse trigger (1985), it appears that those we interviewed did not consider it very important, perhaps in comparison to what felt like more pressing, immediate concerns.

Likewise, they did not consider "poor nutrition" to be worthy of much of their focus. While a good number verbally expressed concern about maintaining good nutrition and fitness, in early recovery these appeared low on their priority list.
 
Differences Between Addicts and Experts Regarding Relapse Traps

One relapse trap was considered much more important by the drug users than the experts. "Having unrealistic expectations of recovery" scored 2.62 among addicts, and only 1.83 among experts. Many of the recovering people recalled anecdotally how, leading up to previous relapses, they had expected to get the job they wanted, expected relationships to come together, a great family life--all quickly. When it didn't turn out that way, they were disillusioned, frustrated, and angry. These negative mood states, then, led back to use. The problem was not that their recoveries were actually failing, but that their expectations were so high that when they were not met, they thought they were failing, and were greatly discouraged. On the heels of these feelings, they would then relapse.
Addicts also tended to consider issues of money to be more serious relapse traps than experts did, including:
- Feelings related to lack of employment or money. (2.27 compared to 1.67)
- Being broke/needing money. (2.37 compared to 1.83)
- The lure of money and the excitement of dealing (2.39 compared to 2.17)
- Associating success with money. (2.46 compared to 2.0)
Since all four of these relapse traps were rated fairly low by the experts, but fairly high by the addicts, this again indicates an area that may be under-addressed in treatment programs. It is worth noting too that there is little in the literature about these specific situations, although certainly the feelings related to unemployment and lack of money would fall under the category of "negative emotional states."
 
Comparisons Between Subgroups

Gender: We compared subgroups of male and female respondents and found some relapse traps to be more important for one gender than another, with a degree of confidence of 90%.

As might be expected, "Being overwhelmed by parent responsibility" had a mean of 2.5 among women, compared to 1.55 among men. Similarly, "difficulty getting to sleep" had a mean of 2.5 for women and 1.79 for men. This may suggest simply that being a mother often results in losing sleep due to childcare responsibilities. But it may also suggest the association of sleeplessness with PostTraumatic Stress Disorder, most common among crack-using females in inner-cities (Fullilove et al, 1992).

For males, "feelings resulting from discrimination," and "feelings of failure" were significantly more important than they were for females. This may reflect the fact that in our society generally men often feel "failure" reflects negatively on their masculinity. If we take this to be so, it follows that recovering men may be more vulnerable to negative emotional states resulting from what they experience as failure, or a loss of status.

Race/ethnicity: Because of the low number of whites (non-Hispanic) in our sample, there was little validity to comparisons with their subgroup. We did compare Hispanic to African-American responses and found the following differences at the 90% degree of confidence level: Hispanics gave a significantly higher rating to the relapse trap, "feeling doomed; not believing recovery is possible." This suggests that perhaps Hispanics see more barriers to their successful functioning, such as language, immigration status, etc. Further exploration of this is needed.
 
Other Findings Regarding Relapse Traps

Some relapse traps had a mid- or low-range mean but a high frequency of "1" and "3" scores, indicating that most respondents found it either very important or not important at all. One was the relapse trap "associating sex and drugs". Several interview- ees identified this as the single most important cause of their relapse and related specific sexual events that triggered drug use for them. Therefore, while it does not apply equally to all recovering people, this association of sex with drugs appears to be a powerful trap for some.

Likewise, the relapse traps "not recognizing dysfunctional family dynamics" and "having a family member who sabotages recovery" also showed a high frequency of "1" and "3" scores--with little in-between. Of course, people who come from a highly dysfunctional family and continue to interact with them during recovery were likely to rate this as a crucial relapse trap. Conversely, those whose families are in relatively good shape or who have little contact with their family wouldn't find this problematic.
 
Relapse Prevention Strategies

Here again, both groups--addicts and experts--agreed on the most important relapse prevention strategies. On 28 on the 46 strategies included in the survey, more than half of the recovering addicts rated them "very important." 22 of those same 28 popular strategies were also ranked as "very important" by our expert advisors. Listed with mean score for drug users, followed by the rank that gives it, out of 46 strategies:
--Creating and using a positive support system. 2.97 (1)
--Thinking through to the consequences of things. 2.89 (2)
--Developing self-acceptance. 2.89 (3)
--Staying away from places where you used to get high. 2.87 (4)
--Breaking off with friends who still use. 2.87 (5)
--Knowing how to recognize signs of relapse. 2.75 (7)
--Having a policy of abstaining from all drugs (including alcohol). 2.7 (8)
--Accepting responsibility for your own recovery. 2.69 (9)
--Learning to tolerate uncomfortable feelings. 2.68 (10)
--Participating in 12-step programs. 2.65 (11)
--Having assertiveness skills to say "no" to drugs. 2.63(12)
--Structuring time in early recovery. 2.62 (14)
--Learning to deal constructively with anger. 2.59 (16)
--A strong spiritual faith. 2.58 (17)
--Developing a healthy relationship with children. 2.58 (18)
--Learning assertiveness skills. 2.57 (19)
--Developing self-discipline. 2.57 (20)
--Furthering your education during recovery. 2.47 (24)
--Maintaining honesty in intimate relations. 2.41 (25)
--Volunteer work, community/ political organizing. 2.39 (26)
--Tools for dealing with cravings: an action plan. 2.39 (27)
--Having goals for the future. 2.35 (28)
The following relapse prevention strategies were ranked "somewhat important" on average by both groups:
--Learning natural ways to reduce anxiety. 2.33 (29)
--Learning to have sex without drugs. 2.28 (30)
--Learning to deal with authority constructively. 2.27 (31)
--Having an action plan for handling slips. 2.26 (33)
--Developing supportive relationships with family. 2.25 (34)
--Making amends wherever possible. 2.23 (35)
--Grieving the drug, the life style or other losses. 2.2 (36)
Both addicts and experts agreed that these strategies were less crucial to relapse prevention:
--Membership in a church. 1.86 (42)
--Adjusting behavior and dress to get a job. 1.83 (43)
--Getting regular exercise. 1.78 (44)
--Eating nutritiously. 1.7 (46)
 
Comparisons Among Subgroups

Gender: Again, when gender subgroups were compared, we found a few significant differences at the confidence level of 90%. "Participating in a recovery program with people of your own culture" was a prevention strategy rated significantly higher by males than females. This is consistent with the finding that males rated the relapse trap "feelings resulting from discrimination" higher also.

"Developing a healthy relationship with your children" was rated 2.82 by females, while males rated it 2.4. An unexpected finding was that "Having goals for the future" was much more important to females, who rated it 2.75 compared to males at 2.07. Women also ranked "adjusting your behavior and dress if necessary to get a job" as more important than men did.
"Grieving the drug, the life style or other losses" was rated 2.5 by women and 2.1 by men. This may reflect the frequent experiences of loss described by women whose children were placed in foster care during their addiction. It may also reflect the tendency of women to acknowledge feelings of loss more readily than men.

Race/ethnicity: There were two important differences between African-American and Hispanics at the 89% degree of confidence level. Hispanics placed less importance on "Having a policy of abstaining from all drugs." Several of our interviewees and experts spoke to us about the emphasis in Hispanic culture on drinking, especially for males, the ability to "hold your liquor" being for some a measure of "machismo."
 
Other Findings About Relapse Prevention Strategies:

A number of relapse prevention strategies also scored a high frequency of "1" and "3" responses, with few "2"s. These include:
--Developing supportive relationships with family. 2.25 (34)
--Developing awareness about enabling and potential family sabotage. 2.07 (39)
--Learning to recognize dysfunctional family dynamics. 1.81 (45)
Like the corresponding relapse traps, whether you come from a family that is supportive or highly dysfunctional determines, of course, the importance you give this strategy.

"Participating in on-going counseling" rated only 2.1 by addicts, although this also had a high frequency of 1 and 3 scores. If you assume that most on-going counseling is insight-oriented, it does strengthen our contention that focusing on relapse traps is more relevant to people in early recovery than insight-oriented counseling. However, for those who chose to be in counseling, it was usually ranked "very important," with females ranking it higher than males. Not surprisingly, the experts ranked this strategy somewhat higher than did the addicts.

The relapse prevention strategy "Maintaining realistic expectations in recovery," like its corresponding relapse trap "unrealistic expectations" was ranked much higher by addicts than by the experts.

Addicts also ranked relapse prevention strategies related to money much higher than the experts did, including:
--Having or learning a marketable job skill. (2.76)
--Redefining success; valuing yourself above money. (2.62)
--Learning to manage money. (2.55)
--Having a job you like. (2.53)
Finally, the relapse prevention strategy, "learning to enjoy the evenness of recovery" was rated as more important by the drug users. This suggests a lack of appreciation in the field regarding the pull that the excitement/thrills of the addiction/ /dealing lifestyle (criminal activity, handling large amounts of money, sex and drugs, etc.) can have on clients in early recovery.
 
SUMMARY: Implications of this Research for Addiction Counselors and Administrators
 
Relapse prevention training should prepare an addict to return to the community by helping him anticipate high-risk situations that he may encounter and develop strategies in advance to deal with those situations. The likelihood of relapse depends almost entirely on one's ability to cope with high-risk situations.

Our research identified a broad array of relapse traps and prevention strategies particularly relevant to our sample of inner-city recovering addicts, which we believe can be somewhat generalized to inner-city recovering drug users in general.

Our research, combined with an extensive review of the literature, leads us to provide the following summary:
1. Overview. The following points are important to convey in any relapse prevention effort aimed at inner-city recovering addicts:
a) Recovery is altogether possible--even when one comes from or lives in a challenging environment such as an urban inner-city neighborhood.
b) Lasting recovery is a process, requiring certain skills that can be learned like any other skills. It is most important to learn how to recognize and avoid stressors and cues, as well as how to recognize the signs of a relapse and cut it short if one occurs. Failure to anticipate and cope with such stressors, cues and high-risk situations is the major set-up for relapse.
c) Others have successfully used such skills and strategies to avoid relapse in similar situations.
2. Confidence. Relapse is most likely to occur when one's confidence in his ability to cope is weak. At such a time, a recovering person can easily perceive a high-risk situation as beyond his capacity to deal with and become overwhelmed with feelings of helplessness and anxiety. He then becomes more likely to give in to the urge to get high--especially if drugs/alcohol are readily available in the environment.
Conversely, the more prepared one is with coping responses for high-risk situations, the better his chances of remaining abstinent. As high-risk situations are successfully met, the recovering person's perceived sense of control strengthens, making him, in fact, less likely to relapse.

The three main categories of high-risk situations for recovering addicts in general are a) negative emotional states, b) social pressure and c) interpersonal conflict and anger. Additional common high-risk situations are frustration and stimulus-elicited cravings (i.e. walking by a bar or area where one used to buy or use drugs).

4. Inner-city recovering addicts are likely to face even more high-risk situations than others in early recovery, because the environment they return to after treatment or incarceration is extremely challenging.
a) Inner-city neighborhoods constitute chronic high-stress environments, creating a greater relapse risk on this basis alone.
b) Inner-city addicts are highly likely to have experienced trauma in their past and are at high risk for having Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), especially women crack-users. Therefore, effective RPT for inner-city addicts must address the symptoms of PTSD, including sleep disorders, recurring thoughts and nightmares and emotional numbing.
c) H.I.V seropositivity and A.I.D.S. is increasingly prevalent among minority inner-city recovering populations.
Since chronic illness constitutes a high-risk situation in recovery, it is crucial to address H.I.V. and A.I.D.S. in any RPT effort for inner-city addicts.
d) Because the drug trade at various levels constitutes one reliable source of employment in the inner-city, any attempt to reduce relapse among inner-city addicts must address the issue of finances and making a living. Otherwise, when a former dealer finds himself broke in early recovery, he may start to fantasize that he can get money fast by dealing "a little" and not using. Inevitably, of course, re-association with illegal activities and proximity to drugs precipitates a relapse.
e) A high-proportion of inner-city female crack addicts have had children placed in foster care, resulting in profound feelings of shame, a sense of failure in maternal roles and grief--which, if not addressed, can contribute to relapse.
f) Things don't necessarily get better upon abstinence. The old adage, "deal with the drinking/drugging and things will work out" does not apply to many inner-city addicts. Among this population, when the drugging stops, the person's circumstances are often not much better than when he was using. He may still be homeless, unemployed, uneducated and/or poor. Again, we see the necessity of addressing the very real issues of housing, income, money and jobs.
g) Social pressure to use. High rates of addiction in inner-city neighborhoods make it all the more likely that someone in early recovery will be in a situation where people are using. Hanging out with friends who still use is the #1 relapse trap (the one most likely to precipitate relapse) cited by recovering inner-city addicts. Living with someone who is an active user is another common trap, as is being offered drugs.
5. Strengths. There are also a number of strengths inner-city recovering addicts can be encouraged to draw upon whenever possible.
a) Religion has traditionally been a strong influence and source of support in both African-American and Hispanic households, so RPT with this population can include examples of how others have successfully used the church as part of their support system.
b) Strong family ties and extended family involvement are also present in many African-American and Hispanic inner-city households. This can serve as great support when the extended family is functioning well.
6. Dysfunctional family issues. On-the-other-hand, having dysfunctional family members who still use drugs or are otherwise in constant crisis (arrest, conflict, abuse, etc.) can be a serious relapse trap for inner-city recovering addicts. When a person has such destructive family members, the tradition of close family ties can make it even more difficult to "detach." Many of our subjects reported feeling overwhelmed by other family members' problems, which they were often called upon to solve. RPT should help recovering people develop an awareness of enabling, family sabotage and other dysfunctional family dynamics, and skills in "detaching with love."

7. Hispanic issues. Hispanics make up a growing proportion of inner-city residents, and our survey suggests that a substantial portion of recovering Hispanic inner-city addicts feel "doomed" and don't believe that recovery is possible for them. There are a number of factors which may contribute to this discouragement:
a) The stigma on an Hispanic female who has been deemed an unfit mother due to drug use may be even stronger than for other groups.
b) If an Hispanic man feels social pressure to act in ways that emphasize "machismo" in a destructive sense (such as battering), this can have the effect of rendering his relationships dysfunctional and can put him at risk of relapse.
c) Our survey found Hispanic men placed less importance on maintaining complete abstinence than other groups. This may be because Hispanic men in recovery may also feel particular pressure to go on drinking alcohol at family and neighborhood social rituals. RPT efforts must illustrate ways to successfully cope with this pressure--to still feel a sense of belonging--without using.
d) Immigration status and language problems can be additional stressors on the recovering Hispanic person.
e) Fewer than half of inner-city Hispanics ever complete high school, limiting job opportunities in recovery. To be effective, RPT materials must be geared to early reading levels.
8. Relapse traps especially relevant to the inner-city. Some high-risk situations of special concern to inner-city addicts may be currently under-addressed in the treatment field.
a) Unrealistic expectations. Many of our recovering inner-city subjects cited "having unrealistic expectations" as a major relapse trap for them in the past. If they came out of treatment or incarceration expecting everything to fall in place quickly and easily and it didn't, they lost confidence in their ability to recover and became more vulnerable to relapse. Therefore, RPT efforts need to help clients maintain realistic expectations, anticipate occasional or even frequent feelings of discouragement, and have a plan for dealing with them.
b) Money. Many recovering inner-city addicts also find that both having money (on pay-day, for example), and being broke constitute high-risk situations for them. In the first case, they may be tempted to buy drugs, since that's what they are used to doing with large sums of money. In the latter case, being broke can prompt thoughts of dealing and other illegal activities that they may have utilized to get money in the past. Some applicable recovery steps our successfully recovering subjects described taking were: a) having or learning marketable job skills; b) learning to value themselves above money; c) redefining "success;" and d) learning to manage money.
c) Lifestyle addiction. The lure of fast money, the excitement of dealing, and an ongoing attraction to street life in general was considered by many of our subjects to have been a serious relapse trap for them. RPT efforts needs to address this "lifestyle addiction," at the very least by acknowledging it.
d) Certain kinds of feeling states are also especially problematic for inner-city recovering addicts, especially low self-esteem, anger (a feeling which living in a challenging urban environment elicits often), feelings of failure and frustration, boredom (lack of purpose), and isolation. RPT efforts should address and model ways of successfully coping with such feelings, especially creating support systems for going through them without getting high.
9. Gender-specific issues. Recovering female inner-city addicts have some special issues that need addressing in RPT: If they have children in their care, they often report being "overwhelmed by parental responsibilities." They also report "difficulty getting to sleep" more often than their male counterparts, which may be associated with women's higher rates of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, most common among crack-using females in inner-cities.

Among recovering male inner-city addicts, there are other special issues: Feelings resulting from racism and discrimination and feelings of failure were both rated more highly by males than females. This may reflect the fact that vocational/financial "failure" may be thought by men to reflect on their masculinity. Men also found it more important to participate in a recovery program with people of their own culture/race than women did. There is also some evidence that inner-city men are less likely than their female counterparts to have goals for the future and are less willing to adjust their behavior and dress if necessary to get a job. RPT would do well to address these issues.

10. Effective relapse prevention strategies for this population: Our successfully-recovering inner-city subjects ranked having a positive support system as their #1 (most effective) relapse prevention strategy. Having ways to deal with cravings was also extremely important to our sample, specifically learning to think through a craving to the long-term consequences of satisfying it. Avoiding social pressure by staying away from places (corners, blocks, bars, etc.) where one used to get high or buy drugs, and breaking off with friends who still use were also key strategies. Developing self-acceptance and self-responsibility, and learning to tolerate uncomfortable feelings (such as anger) complete the list.
 
APPENDIX I
ADVISORY PANEL ON THIS RESEARCH PROJECT
 
1) Peter Bell, Minneapolis MN, author of Chemical Dependency and the African-American. Co-founder and Executive Director of the Institute on Black Chemical Abuse from 1975 to 1990. First President of National Black Alcoholism Council.

2) Patricia O'Gorman, Ph.D., Albany NY, former director of Prevention for N.I.A.A.A. Coauthor of Breaking the Cycle of Addiction and 12 Steps to Self-Parenting.

3) Naomi Reyes, M.S.W., South Bronx, NY, Program Director, La Casita (treatment program for addicted Hispanic women)

4) Delia Campbell, M.S., New York City, developed and directs Addicted Mothers Program, treating predominantly African-American and Hispanic women at Daytop Village.

5) Philip Diaz, M.S.W., Miami, FL, coauthor, "Hispanics and Alcoholism: A Treatment Perspective," in Robert Ackerman's Growing in the Shadow; former advisor to William Bennett, National Drug Policy, former Director of Drug and Alcohol Treatment, Rockland County, NY, founder of Project Rainbow.

6) Salim Hasan, M.S.W., Stamford, CT, Director of Admissions, Liberation Program, Stamford, CT where he facilitates "African American Recovery Groups" and relapse prevention groups for homeless men in shelters. Director of an urban methadone maintainance program for 15 years.
 
Additional Experts Consulted

Additionally, we also interviewed either in person or by telephone the following experts, from whom we gleaned additional insights and advice:

1) Dr. Herb Kleber, formerly of National Drug Policy Office, currently of C.A.S.A, New York City.

2) Dr. Kathleen Carroll, Yale researcher in area of relapse prevention among cocaine addicts, New Haven, CT.

3) Mindy Fullilove, M.D. Columbia researcher in area of inner-city addicts and trauma, New York City.

4) Robert Genn, coordinator of a correctional program for inmates and parolees, New York state.

5) Tim Mallone, Treatment specialist for criminal justice system, Washington DC.

6) Johnny Allem, director of Columbia Recovery Center, Washington DC, an inner-city neighborhood program.

8) James Roundtree, director of Neighborhood Center, St. Benedict the Moor, South Bronx, NY.

9) Don Streeter, Atty., oversees addiction treatment in homeless shelters nationally.
 
APPENDIX III
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